incongruence (plural incongruences)
1. a want of congruence; incongruity.
2. out of place, absurd
19:18, 24 February, 2010 р.
Paladin says:
“If I understand your point in “A Convenient Ignorance”, you’re saying that, 1. The US Constitution does not act as a restraint on the individual states nor provides protections against usurpation of rights for private citizens. In other words, even though it “enumerates” certain Rights “of the people”, the people cannot depend on the Constitution as a protection against usurpation of any of those rights by the States, and 2. The Commerce Clause does not give the Federal Government legitimate authority to regulate firearms in any manner.
If I have that correct, then we agree on #2 but not on #1.”
I have for several days now considered how I should even answer this. Perhaps I should front my answer with another quote from Paladin further on in his comment:
“I picked up the language “apply against the states” from reading the opinions from Judge Silverman’s opinion in Parker, Scalia’s opinion in Heller and the various Amici submissions pursuant thereto. I’m no lawyer if that’s what you’re wondering.
When I read the provisions I cited, it is clear to me that all the judges and executive officers, both of the United States and the several states, are required to support said Constitution as the “supreme law of the land” and therefore must be bound by all terms therein (e.g. cannot infringe the RKBA).
Therefore, for example, if anyone (including a convicted felon) is brought before a judge in Arkansas on charges of illegally possessing a weapon, the judge is bound to dismiss those charges as a violation of the 2nd Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. (Regarding Felons, I could not find any mention in the Constitution whereby someone convicted of a felony forfeits any of their God-given, pre-existing, fundamental rights such as the RKBA.)
Further, though I didn’t mention it in the referenced post, the verbiage in Article IV, Sec. 2., “The Citizens of each State shall be entitled to all Privileges and Immunities of Citizens in the several States” also clearly indicates to me that the States are, in fact, restrained by the provisions of the BoR.”
“Maybe I’m just one of those “dumb, dumb, dummies” the Progressives keep referring to.
I’d still like to hear you address the specific verbiage I’ve quoted and explain how it does not require the States to honor the Rights enumerated in the Constitution.
I’m familiar with the so-called “Incorporation Doctrine” and, frankly, consider it LEGAL QUACKERY perpetrated by corrupt courts, legislators and executive officers of government in order to justify their failure to uphold their duties outlined in the Constitution and stated in their required Oaths of Office.
Thanks for addressing my question.”
Though Paladin has some things quite correct, it is obvious that Paladin’s thinking is still not in line with the framers of the Federal Constitution. Whether we will acknowledge it or not, what fundamental ground one’s thinking springs from, matters greatly. It is this fundamental ground that will determine whether one stands resolute, or is swayed by various influences — even to the point of total and complete departure from the core beliefs this nation was founded upon.
In consideration, one does not have to be a lawyer to understand the Constitution and its various provisions, so claiming to not be a lawyer does not excuse one from failing to understand the Federal Constitution and the principles that establish it. Rather, the principles employed in framing the Federal Constitution are actually quite simple, beginning with the principles of covenant and ending with the principles of service. In answering the assertion that I somehow stated that the Federal Constitution does not provide protection against the usurpation of individual rights by the states, it is essential that we look to the principles of covenant for an answer. However, it should also be noted that I never stated, implied or agreed to the assertion made. Rather, that is an assumption of Paladin which is not warranted. Unless I state it directly, please don’t assume I implied it.
With that, let us examine the issue of individual rights and their respective protections under the Federal and State constitutions.
It is held by many, and is a subject of much debate, that without the 14th Amendment and its Doctrine of Incorporation, the rights enshrined in the Bill of Rights are not protected when a state so chooses to abridge one of those rights. Plainly, if we understand the principles that are the foundation of the Federal Constitution, we will know that this is an absurdity that cannot stand the test of reason. The relevant section of the 14th Amendment states:
“Section 1. All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside. No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.”
We should note this amendment was brought into existence in 1868, in the wake of the Civil War and during the time of the Reconstruction. We should also note that neither the Civil War, nor the Reconstruction were acts which could even be remotely construed as constitutional. It is notable that Lincoln walked all over the Federal Constitution in numerous acts, both before and during the Civil War, and Andrew Johnson was not any better during the Reconstruction. Moreover, the U.S. House and Senate were willing accomplices in these acts. Therefore it should not surprise anyone that an amendment was framed that not only was unnecessary, but also skewed the very way the Constitution is interpreted.
To understand how this is, we need only go back to Mr. Iredell’s explanation of how to view the Federal Constitution:
“It may be considered as a great power of attorney, under which no power can be exercised but what is expressly given. Did any man ever hear, before, that at the end of a power of attorney it was said that the attorney should not exercise more power than was there given him? Suppose, for instance, a man had lands in the counties of Anson and Caswell, and he should give another a power of attorney to sell his lands in Anson, would the other have any authority to sell the lands in Caswell? — or could he, without absurdity, say, “’Tis true you have not expressly authorized me to sell the lands in Caswell; but as you had lands there, and did not say I should not, I thought I might as well sell those lands as the other.”
This is not a unique view as both the Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions opposing the Alien and Sedition Acts state the same view. Additionally, in the Resolutions, those drafting the resolutions demonstrate a principle of covenant that is essential to understanding that the prohibition on states abridging the rights of individuals is existent even without Article IV, Section 2 of the Federal Constitution.
“That this Assembly doth explicitly and peremptorily declare, that it views the powers of the federal government, as resulting from the compact, to which the states are parties; as limited by the plain sense and intention of the instrument constituting the compact; as no further valid that they are authorized by the grants enumerated in that compact; and that in case of a deliberate, palpable, and dangerous exercise of other powers, not granted by the said compact, the states who are parties thereto, have the right, and are in duty bound, to interpose for arresting the progress of the evil, and for maintaining within their respective limits, the authorities, rights and liberties appertaining to them.
That the General Assembly doth also express its deep regret, that a spirit has in sundry instances, been manifested by the federal government, to enlarge its powers by forced constructions of the constitutional charter which defines them; and that implications have appeared of a design to expound certain general phrases (which having been copied from the very limited grant of power, in the former articles of confederation were the less liable to be misconstrued) so as to destroy the meaning and effect, of the particular enumeration which necessarily explains and limits the general phrases; and so as to consolidate the states by degrees, into one sovereignty, the obvious tendency and inevitable consequence of which would be, to transform the present republican system of the United States, into an absolute, or at best a mixed monarchy.”
And from the Kentucky Resolution:
“3. Resolved, That it is true as a general principle, and is also expressly declared by one of the amendments to the Constitutions, that “the powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, our prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people”; and that no power over the freedom of religion, freedom of speech, or freedom of the press being delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, all lawful powers respecting the same did of right remain, and were reserved to the States or the people: that thus was manifested their determination to retain to themselves the right of judging how far the licentiousness of speech and of the press may be abridged without lessening their useful freedom, and how far those abuses which cannot be separated from their use should be tolerated, rather than the use be destroyed. And thus also they guarded against all abridgment by the United States of the freedom of religious opinions and exercises, and retained to themselves the right of protecting the same, as this State, by a law passed on the general demand of its citizens, had already protected them from all human restraint or interference.”
Thus, applying the rule of interpretation of the Federal Constitution here, we can easily see that the Federal Government has no power to abridge the right of the people to keep and bear arms of whatsoever sort. The question then turns to the several states and whether they retained the power to abridge that right, and whether Section 1 of the 14th Amendment has any real efficacy. We should also note the following from the Kentucky Resolution which directly declares that the citizens of Kentucky had already retained to themselves the very rights enumerated in the Bill of Rights:
“And thus also they guarded against all abridgment by the United States of the freedom of religious opinions and exercises, and retained to themselves the right of protecting the same, as this State, by a law passed on the general demand of its citizens, had already protected them from all human restraint or interference.”
And from the Virginia Resolution:
“That this state having by its Convention, which ratified the federal Constitution, expressly declared, that among other essential rights, “the Liberty of Conscience and of the Press cannot be cancelled, abridged, restrained, or modified by any authority of the United States,” and from its extreme anxiety to guard these rights from every possible attack of sophistry or ambition, having with other states, recommended an amendment for that purpose, which amendment was, in due time, annexed to the Constitution; it would mark a reproachable inconsistency, and criminal degeneracy, if an indifference were now shewn, to the most palpable violation of one of the Rights, thus declared and secured; and to the establishment of a precedent which may be fatal to the other.”
Hence, all the rights enumerated in the Bill of Rights, were already reserved to the people of the several states by those people when they formed their respective state governments prior to the drafting of the Federal Constitution.
The questions all ought to consider follow:
Is it reason for states to covenant together to create a central government and restrain that government from abridging rights retained by the people, and then turn about and violate those very rights that their own respective constitutions also state are retained by the people?
Would not that be incongruent and a violation of a principle aspect of covenant?
Does it not border on insanity, if it is not very insane, for parties to agree that the general government will not, and indeed has no power to abridge certain rights, and then walk away and state to themselves respectively “Though I have restrained my creature from abridgement of individual rights, I myself may violate those very rights whensoever I please.”?
Hence, it is a principle of covenant that whatsoever is bound up in the instrument, the parties to that instrument are also bound to observe and abide by.
Having established the application of the one of the principles of covenant and demonstrating how it applies to both the Federal Government and the Several States, let us then turn our attention again to the 14th Amendment and what Section 1 actually accomplishes.
We should see and understand that, by the principles of covenant, it is unnecessary for Section 1 of the 14th Amendment to exist. Additionally, if we examine the text of Section 1 again:
“Section 1. All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside. No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.”
And then examine Article IV, Section 2 of the Federal Constitution:
Section. 2. The Citizens of each State shall be entitled to all Privileges and Immunities of Citizens in the several States.
We find that Section 1 of the 14th Amendment is merely restating what is already determined, in much broader terminology, in the body of the Constitution.
To what purpose is Section 1 of the 14th Amendment then? After all, if we follow the logic and thinking of the Founders, we find no need for this portion of the 14th Amendment, just like there is actually no need for the Bill of Rights, as foretold by Mr Iredell:
“A bill of rights, as I conceive, would the case, not only be incongruous, but dangerous. No man, let his ingenuity be what it will, could enumerate all the individual rights not relinquished by this Constitution. Suppose, therefore, an enumeration of a great many, but an omission of some, and that, long after all traces of our present disputes were at an end, any of the omitted rights should be invaded, and the invasion be complained of; what would be the plausible answer of the government to such a complaint? Would they not naturally say, “We live at a great distance from the time when this Constitution was established. We can judge of it much better by the ideas of it entertained at the time, than by any ideas of our own. The bill of rights, passed at that time, showed that the people did not think every power retained which was not given, else this bill of rights was not only useless, but absurd. But we are not at liberty to charge an absurdity upon our ancestors, who have given such strong proofs of their good sense, as well as their attachment to liberty. So long as the rights enumerated in the bill of rights remain unviolated, you have no reason to complain. This is not one of them.” Thus a bill of rights – might operate as a snare rather than a protection.”
No only have the words of Mr. Iredell come true, but those in the Federal and state governments have gone further and violated even those rights enumerated in the Bill of Rights, because the very way they interpret the respective Constitutions has changed. What Section 1 of the 14th Amendment did accomplish, whether intentional or not, was a change in the very way the Constitution is interpreted.
Those who framed and ratified the 14th Amendment demonstrated that they did not believe in the principles of covenant relationship and that certain powers were granted to the government and all others retained, in that they began (with the 13th Amendment) to include the following statement in the text of the amendment:
“The Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation.”
Now, what is the point of granting power to an entity to perform a function, and then not granting them the means to do so? Or, saying “Though we have said you have the power do this thing, because we did not expressly state we enabled you to do, you cannot do it.”
Now, who is it that makes the laws under the Constitution anyway? What branch of the Federal Government is granted the exclusive power to draft laws and bring them into existence, carrying the full authority of the United States? Even if the President vetoes a particular bill, if the legislature overrides his veto, it still becomes law. To what point then is the statement “The Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation.”?
I can only conceive of one: That the whole way of thinking about the Federal Constitution and interpretation of the same changed — and changed radically.
This is the only thing that fits with the restatement, in the 14th Amendment, of Article IV, Section 2 of the Constitution itself: that Amendments now no longer simply supersede all parts of the document they affect. But, are simply considered addendums to the body, not amending the body, but adding to. Moreover, that the granting of power no longer conveys with it the requisite ability to exercise that power, but they are artificially divorced one from the other. Even so, this applies to powers retained: That those rights enumerated in the Bill of Rights where not simply certain rights carefully chosen and enumerated due to their great value, which were retained by the people along with other rights not enumerated, but are rights granted to the people by the Constitution itself.
Here then we find the whole thinking of the Founders turned on its head, and the vast majority of individuals in the United States accepting a concept and idea totally alien and foreign to the Founders and an anathema to the principles that are foundational to the form of government brought into existence by the founders of this nation.